The Seventh Fleet is based out of Japan and has as its area of responsibility (AOR) the maritime space between the International Dateline to roughly the India-Pakistan border, where the Indo-Pacific combatant command’s AOR ends. The San Diego-based Third Fleet’s AOR ranges from the western coast of the United States to the International Dateline. The Third and Seventh Fleet, along with supporting submarine, naval aviation and naval surface forces, make up for the U.S. Pacific Fleet.
“We can’t just rely on the 7th Fleet in Japan. We have to look to our other allies and partners like Singapore, like India, and actually put a numbered fleet where it would be extremely relevant if, god forbid, we were to ever to get in any kind of a dust-up,” USNI quoted Braithwate as saying. While Braithwate suggested that he hadn’t brought up the proposal with Acting Secretary of Defense Christopher Miller, a defense department official told USNI that Braithwate had discussed it with former Secretary of Defense Mark Esper who has acquiesced to the plan. Esper was fired by President Donald Trump on November 9, just six days after the U.S. presidential elections which saw Trump’s defeat.
Braithwate’s proposal has already raised more questions among analysts than it has provided answers. On social media, many U.S. Navy watchers have pointed out the tentativeness of the suggestion, including lack of clarity around where the First Fleet would be headquartered. He had suggested Singapore, though adding “if not Singapore right out of the chocks, we’re going to look to make it more expeditionary-oriented and move it across the Pacific until it is where our allies and partners see that it could best assist them as well as to assist us,” leading analysts to conjecture the possibility of the fleet being based out of Australia. Others have noted that a new numbered fleet simply adds to personnel costs, and only makes sense if it is accompanied by an addition of new ships.
Analyzing the shortfalls of the proposal on Twitter, Blake Herzinger acerbically noted: “In the last two months of an administration defined by haphazard, uncoordinated policy, they drop a bomb like this that will inevitably cause partners to pull back publicly. This administration doesn’t have the juice to make it happen anyway.” Over the past month, during his Asia trips, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s frontal attacks on the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) – as well as his very vocal assertion that the Australia-India-Japan-U.S. quad is a tool to manage threats posed by the CCP – has left even governments friendly to the Trump administration dismayed.
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